Tuesday, July 15, 2014

Of decline rates, and export land and cabbages and kings

We'll meet under that giant Exxon sign
    - Bruce Springsteen (Jungle Land)

Baby you can drive my car
    -The Beatles



Greetings

       As we all know, in the oil production world, there are three biggies - US, Russia, and Saudi Arabia.   Then there is the rest.   These top three produce about 1/3 of the world total, so it makes sense to keep an eye on them.   

       From an "export land" perspective, it is important to look both at production, and oil consumption within these countries.     

       The US peaked in the 70's. , but as we hear constantly from the media has recently reversed its decline.  (For an nice take on the propaganda campaign see Orwellian Newspeak and the Oil Industry)   This development is admitted to be short lived, with the EIA predicting a decline by 2019,   (" Crude oil production (including lease condensate) increases from 13.9 quadrillion Btu in 2012 to a peak of 20.5 quadrillion Btu in 2019 ") and others as early as 2016.   Decline rates have historivally been low, however decline rates from fracked wells are quite large, so it is not clear what the future holds.   Although oil use in the US dropped dramatically in recent years, the numbers for 2013 show a new surge in use.  see here.  (Total oil consumption rose by 400,000 barrels, and even gasoline use rose - for the first time since 2007) .    

        Russia, has apparently peaked as well.  (!).  This development has,of course, not, been trumpeted by the media.   But the Russian government has confirmed that production is expected to fall  ("The ministry said Monday it expects a $4.5 billion decline in oil export revenue because of an anticipated 6.3 percent drop in oil production...".  see here  OPEC is also assuming a decline of Russian production.    For a good summary of the Russian production situation see  here..   Oil consumption in Russia has been on a plateau since the breakup of the USSR.

        No one really knows whats happening in Saudi.  They are on a production plateau.  Whether they can increase ir not, is unknown.  Normally they will increase when some other country goes off line.  But when Libya's production dropped, they did not step in.   One the consumption side, things have changed dramatically.   Despite efforts to diversify their energy use, oil use has shot up.  See chart.below.

        So, in summary: Russia production is rolling over, and likely to decline sharply.  The US  production is due to peak in the next few years, and consumption is apparently growing again.  Saudi production seems to be flat, with consumption growing rapidly.   The impact to net exports is pretty straightforward.   The three largest producers will either be exporting less, or (in the case of the US) - importing more.  

      There are some counties with "spare capacity" - Iraq, Libya and Nigeria come to mind.  But how likely are they to plug the hole? 
       
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SUNDAY, JULY 13, 2014

Tech Talk - Here we go again, again

A couple of posts or so ago I mentioned that there are three major problems sitting relatively un-noticed as we head into the mess of Peak Oil. Of these, perhaps the one that gets the least attention is the steady decline in production from existing wells. We are just about at the point where the Alaskan Pipeline will tip over into feeding less than half-a-million barrels a day down from the North Slope. (It sent 501 kbd down the pipe in June with a 98.6% reliability factor). At the same time those in control of the oilfields in the Russia are reporting that Russian exports have fallen to the lowest level in 6 years. This brings back the relatively unrecognized reality of the Export Land Modelwhich Jeffrey Brown first introduced on The Oil Drum back in 2007.

It is worth resurrecting that thinking (which time has proven to be only too true) as we look at the continued declines in production from the UK, as an example. It is not easily discernable from the official Department of Energy and Climate Change, which plots oil production on a monthly basis (with different months having a variety of days):


Figure 1. Monthly production of oil from the fields of the UK continental shelf (DECC ).

Euan Mearns has, however, done the necessary arithmetic and clearly shows the reality of the situation once one converts it back to barrels per day:


Figure 2. UK production of oil and natural gas over the past decade (Euan Mearns)

The steady decline has also been noted by the EIA who commented that UK production fell by 9% from 2012 to 2013. There was a time, back in the days of The Oil Drum, where we debated whether an estimate of 5% for field decline rates was or was not too high. Obviously those days are now behind us, and reality is starting to show numbers that far exceed the rates that, at the time, some thought rather pessimistic. To continue the UK numbers, as OPEC recently anticipated, the decline this year will take the total down to 800 kbdwith an 8% decline expected for this year.

The Export Land Model, in its simplest form, can be illustrated with the following plot:


Figure 3. A simplified illustration of the changing production, internal use and exports for an oil producing country, once it reaches a peak in production (Sam Foucher )

The argument that produces the above plot goes along the lines that, as an oil producer (think for a moment of Russia for eg) produces larger volumes of oil, so the economy of that country starts to grow. As that growth continues it demands an increasing amount of energy to sustain the increased internal demand (the green line). However, once production stabilizes or starts to decline (the blue line above) so the amount available for export becomes reduced (the red line).

The three top producers of petroleum products in the world are the United States, Russia and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The United States consumes far more than it produces, and thus is already a net importer of petroleum products, although in the short term, as I noted earlier production gains from the Bakken and Eagle Ford are hiding the problems of decline rate. It is increasingly unlikely that any significant volume of US oil will make it onto the world market.

Saudi Arabia has, for years, controlled the amount of oil that it puts on the market, based on the anticipated global demand, and the supply available from the rest of the world - so that the global price remains at a level to sustain OPEC economies. That has been illustrated over the past couple of years by the increase in production from the KSA to cover the decline from Libya as about a million barrels a day disappeared from the global market. The gains in production from the US helped in meeting global demand and the strain in supply was thus relatively easily hidden. But the KSA has an imminent problem that has largely disappeared from public view now that the eyes of The Oil Drum correspondents have lost that focus.

The major oilfields of the Kingdom are old, and to sustain production perimeter wells were located around the oilfields that injected millions of barrels of seawater a day, to drive the oil towards the center of the fields, where it could be relatively easily recovered from Maximum Reservoir Contact wells drilled along the very top of the reservoirs. But as folk such as JoulesBurn have noted, those wells slowly change in nature, over time, as the oil migration continues, and water injection must move inwards to ensure continued production.


Figure 4. Layout of initial wells at the Haradh III development in the Ghawar oilfield in Saudi Arabia (JoulesBurn at The Oil Drum)

He noted, in the original post, that Aramco had to drill some 52 wells, rather than the estimated 32, to get the production they needed, and that was back in 2010. Since then Ghawar has continued to produce for the Kingdom, but with daily levels of up around 10 mbd, the volumes in the crests of the anticlines along which the oil wells sit within the Ghawar field have been steadily contracting, and although they have carried out some of the most advanced oilwell engineering to sustain production from the attic oil in the older parts of the fields, there are only so many ways you can squeeze a rock before you get out all the oil that you will – and those days are approaching fast.

At the same time (relating back to the ELM) while Saudi production has remained at just under 10 mbd for the past few years, internal demand has been rising at a steadily more rapid rate.


Figure 5. Internal consumption of oil in Saudi Arabia (Index Mundi ).

Hoping to transition some of the current internal demands to natural gas, the KSA has been looking for internal resources to allow it to move away from oil. However the search has not been as successful as hoped, particularly with the search for natural gas, Shell having backed out of the program as a result of the poor results to date.

With internal consumption continuing to rise at more than twice the rate anticipated by the ELM shown in Figure 3, and, at best, stable production, global exports from the Kingdom are of increasing concern.

Which brings us back to Russia, where the new fields that must be exploited to sustain production are in remote parts of Eastern Siberia and the Yamal Peninsula – if not offshore in the Arctic.

Russian oil production has been peaking for some time (falling from 3.4% growth in 2012 to 1.3% in 2013) and is now reported to likely fall by 6.3% over the next two years. Since this implies that Russia is now at peak, the decline in overall production initially will fall below that of Figure 3, though likely only for a year or so, before the rate will be, at minimum, that shown. (The reason for this conclusion comes from the lack of enough investment in the fields where growth can be expected). At the same time internal demand is rising at around 100 kbd or 3% pa slightly above the value assumed for Figure 3.

If none of the three largest producers can even sustain exports, and the ELM explains why they can’t, and world demand continues to rise at the rates projected, then, in even the short-term, something is going to have to give. The logical weakest link is price, with the consequence, that invalidates a lot of the other arguments, of a significant impact on global economic health. As we have seen before, significant increases in price lowers the demand for oil, and thus demand from the various nations will become even more skewed.

The only problem, with this next iteration, is that there isn’t another Bakken or Eagle Ford conveniently sitting waiting to be tapped.

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Friday, May 30, 2014

We are DEVO


Four car garage 
and we're still building on
  -Willie and Waylon  (Lukenbach Texas)

Coming down
 is the hardest thing
 -Tom Petty


Greetings


       Now that the EIA has popped our bubble on the miracle of fracking in California,  maybe its time to look at what things might look like in a world of falling oil production.
 
      At first, of course, we'll just let the price rise, and scream about environmentalists interfering with drilling.

     But at some point we'll start to think about the "R" word.  That's right: "rationing".  Under rationing , we first make sure the essential stuff is covered, then parcel out the rest..  So you and I "driving around buying stuff"  are last in line. ( For instance, during WW2 we would get 3- 4 gallons per week.)  Here's a summary of the 1980 rationing plan

      And then?

      Here's a nice speculative piece by Alice Freidman.  She has a blog called Energy Skeptic.  Its a regular encyclopedia of stuff about resources.  Here's an interview with her on the Kunstler cast.

      Anyway, she takes a look at the total transportation picture, then backs out the "non essential" and allocates that oil to the "essentials".  (Under this scenario, we get 0 gallons a week,)  Then she tries to figure the decline rate, and see's where the total equals the "essentials".  Using her assumptions, oil production. takes a serious dive, and  is equal to the amount needed for essential use in 16 years!

     Your numbers may vary!    But I think its a worth while exercise.     Her decline number seem severe  (4/5/6/7/8/9/10/10 /10/)   , but  the rate incorporates a combination of effects  First is the normal decline rate:  Estimates for this run between 4.5% (CERA)  to 6.7 -8.6% ( IEA).   (Chris Nelder uses 5%)  For more info, see here, and here  
    
        The second factor takes into consideration the "Export Land Model".   The amount of oil available on the world market is already declining, and has been declining since 2006.  It will decline faster than the decline rate for production, because exporting countries will continue to subsidize oil use by their own people.  ( For a nice presentation of population growth and subsidies in oil producing countries see here.)     This will accelerate the decline for the 40% or so that the US imports.

      The third factor deals with the decline rate in the US.  And it accounts of the  "net energy" of the product.  As local firms rely more and more on fracking, the "energy cost" of the oil goes up, and less energy is left over for the rest of the economy.   Thus, according to one study, one barrel of oil invested in production of more oil yielded 15 barrels in 2000.  By 2010, the return had dropped to 10!    see here . 

      Time to grease up that bicycle!   

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Introduction
The problem we face is a liquid fuel crisis.  Absolutely essential vehicles, such as agricultural tractors and combines, railroads, and trucks run on diesel fuel, ships on bunker fuel.  They can never be battery or fuel-cell operated or electrified, nor do we have the decades it would take to build a new fleet even if there were a solution.
In 2011, the United States burned 29021 trillion BTU’s of mainly petroleum, which represented 13 billion tons of freight worth $11.8 trillion moved 3.5 trillion ton-miles:
  • Trucks: 69%  1.4 trillion miles  9.0 billion tons
  • Trains: 15%   1.3 trillion miles  1.9 billion tons
  • Ships:   3%
Non-essential Transportation Fuel (see Table 1 below)
1) Cars (28%) and light trucks (26%) use 55% of transportation fuel.  Let’s shift all of that55% to essential vehicles.  Implication: Just about everyone will be forced to move to cities because gas stations will be closed, and petroleum will mainly be refined into diesel,which gasoline cars can’t burn.
2) Let’s give most of this fuel to essential vehicles: 7% air travel, 1% recreational water boats, 3% Construction and Mining, 1% recreational vehicles (snowmobiles, etc).  That’s another 11% shifted to essential vehicles (leaving 1% for the above, mainly to maintain and fix infrastructure).
3) Essential vehicles: 20% Medium (class 3-6) and Heavy trucks (class 7-8), 4% ships, 2% rail freight, 3% pipelines, 2% agricultural.  A lot of this freight isn’t essential, so about half of this, 15%, can be saved by not shipping non-essential cargo and shipping essential goods shorter distances.
Essential transportation has been given 81% of diesel from other non-essential sources (55% + 11% + 15%).
Meanwhile, local and global production of oil will be dropping off rapidly
First, there’s the decline of oil from our own and global oil fields (peak oil production was reached in 2005), oil producing countries will export less because they’re using more oil themselves (ELM model), America and other nations are likely to be outbid by China, India, etc., for oil exports. Second, there’s the net energy cliff and the decline in the RATE of what we can get out of the ground now that petroleum is gunky and in remote places. Third, the financial system can interfere with oil production –  when credit dries up after the next financial crash, the money to drill won’t be available.

Optimistic scenario: 20 years before we hit the wall 

The likely decline rate is expected to accelerate. We’ve been on a plateau since 2005, but once production heads downhill, here’s a guess at what the decline rate might be per year: 4%, 5%, 6%, 7%, 8%, 9%, and 10% from then on.
But not to worry, we’ve got some wiggle room. Remember, of the grand total of 29021 trillion BTU’s of petroleum burned in America (Table 1 below), 81% was reassigned from non-essential vehicles and cargo to essential agriculture, railroads, trucks, industrial infrastructure equipment, and miscellaneous important vehicles (ambulances, police cars, military, etc).
The other 19% — 5,541 trillion BTU — is the rock-bottom amount we need to  keep society going.
With a 4/5/6/7/8/9/10/10 /10/….. decline rate scenario, we’ll dip below the essential transportation fuel needed 16 years from now.
Of course, we can import/export less cargo, grow food locally, stop immigration, encourage 1-child families, ship goods shorter distances, and many other oil-reducing strategies as well.  This is when techno-optimists have a chance to shine, and Postcarbon, Bay Localize, Transition Towns, and many other groups help governments and communities adapt.  If all goes well, panic is avoided, and diesel fuel can be stretched out even further, that could delay collapse another 4 years.

Pessimistic scenario: 1-12 years before we hit the wall

What if states that produce energy and/or have refineries stop sharing diesel and gasoline with other states at some point? In that case, Alaska, California, Texas, Louisiana, etc., might last longer than 20 years and other states would hit the wall sooner.
Also, there are many black swans.  Here’s some wild guesses about how soon collapse might come if one of them strikes:
1 year if there’s a small nuclear war, China or some other nation takes down America’s electric grid(s) in a cyberwar, or a world war erupts.
2-5 years if there’s a major disaster, because that will probably bring down the financial system and also drive up prices of oil, natural gas, electricity, wood, cement, steel, and other resources needed to recover with.
3-8 years if the financial system collapses and several other events are triggered, such as social chaos, no credit left for new oil wells to be drilled, and other knock-on effects.
5 years if nations go back to negotiating deals between producing and non-producing nations and bypass the international oil market. That could suddenly cut off America’s oil imports. We’re already seeing this with the historic deal Russia and China just cut for natural gas. China, India, and other countries can afford to pay more than the United States for oil. Other nations are far closer to Russia and OPEC nations, where 83% of world reserves lie.
8-10 years if America decides to go back to the Middle east to keep other nations from getting the 2/3 of oil reserves there. Our military can’t fight without oil, so that means a lot less for everyone else
Okay. I’m going to stop guessing.  I have no idea how much sooner collapse would occur given various events, or what the actual decline rates will be.  But here are a few more black swans to think about:
  • Oil shocks make investors “Peak Oil Aware” and world-wide stock markets crash
  • Decline rates even higher than posited above due to a combination of the Export Land Model and middle eastern countries having lied about how much oil reserves they had.
  • Oil choke-points are blocked by terrorists or nearby nations
  • War breaks out in the Middle East
  • Peak coal, peak natural gas, peak uranium, peak sand, peak water, peak topsoil, peak phosphorous, etc
  • Electric grid outages increasingly common
  • Our infrastructure is falling apart, many bridges are beyond their life-span or dangerously in need of repair, ports, energy pipelines, water treatment, sewage treatment, and other essential infrastructure has a life-span less than 50 years. The steel is rusting and the concrete is falling apart.
So, what do you think?
Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com
Table 1. Transportation energy use in America 2011 by BTU
Trillion BTU 2011%Trillion BTU 2011
TOTAL29021
   HIGHWAY21,815.30.75%
       Light vehicles15823.10.55cars8140.90.28
light trucks7629.00.26
Motorcycles53.20.00
       Buses194.40.01Transit91.50.00
Intercity29.80.00
School73.10.00
       Medium & Heavy trucks5797.80.20Class 3-6 trucks1282.60.04
Class 7-8 trucks4515.20.16
   NON-HIGHWAY5,151.90.18
       Air2162.10.07General aviation227.10.01
Domestic Air1494.70.05
International440.30.02
       Water1388.10.05Freight1143.20.04
Recreational244.90.01
       Pipeline949.00.03Pipeline949.00.03
       Rail609.10.02Freight (Class I)514.60.02
       Rail passenger overall140.90Passenger transit94.50.00
Passenger commuter31.90.00
Passenger Intercity14.50.00
   OFF-HIGHWAY2,053.90.07
       Agricultural Equipment573.90.02Tractors, mowers, combines, balers,
       Airport ground Equipment15.10
       Construction & Mining918.10.03Pavers, rollers, drill rigs, graders, backhoes, excavators, cranes, mining equipment
       Industrial Equipment340.20.01Forklifts, terminal tractors, sweeper/scrubbers
       Logging Equipment24.70Feller, buncher, skidder
       Railroad maintenance3.70
       Recreational equipment178.20.01Off-road motorcycles, snowmobiles, ATV, golf carts, specialty vehicles
Source: Chapter 2. Energy. Oak Ridge Natinoal Laboratory, Center for Transportation Analysis.
http://cta.ornl.gov/data/tedb32/Edition32_Chapter02.pdf



      

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Tuesday, August 20, 2013

Egypt as a window into to the near future - a post peak Gulf


Greetings


 Here's  a pretty good article from the Atlantic showing some of the underlying factors in the current Egyptian unrest .  (and the future unrest in other MENA states)    It seems that people will put up with a military government for a long time, as long as food is cheap.  !!   ( And the experts have put a number on it - 210) 

  "According to the New England Complex Systems Institute, if food prices go over a threshold of 210 on the FAO Food Price Index, the probability of civil unrest is greatly magnified."

    Of course, governments can assure cheap food by subsidizing prices.  As long as they can afford it.  It helps to have a reliable source of revenue.  Like, for instance ,  the export of oil.

    But, a country can only export oil as long as production remains above domestic consumption.

"Since 2010, oil consumption--currently at 755,000 bpd--has outpaced production. It is no coincidence that the following year, Hosni Mubarak was toppled."

NB: For a quick review of the MENA net export situation here is a glance from Robert Hirsch's blog

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Underlying growing instability is the Egyptian state's increasing inability to contain the devastating social impacts of interconnected energy, water and food crises over the last few decades. Those crises, already afflicting other regional states like Yemen and Syria, will unravel prevailing political orders with devastating consequences--unless urgent structural transformation to address those crises becomes a priority. The upshot is that Egypt's meltdown represents the culmination of long-standing trends that, without a change of course, can only escalate with permanent repercussions across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), and beyond.
A major turning point for Egypt arrived in 1996, when Egypt's domestic oil production peaked at about 935,000 barrels per day (bpd), dropping since then to about 720,000 bpd in 2012. Yet Egypt's domestic oil consumption has increased steadily over the past decade by about 3 percent a year. Since 2010, oil consumption--currently at 755,000 bpd--has outpaced production. It is no coincidence that the following year, Hosni Mubarak was toppled.

.....

The impact on Egypt's state revenues has been dramatic. Energy subsidies amount to $15 billion a year, about a quarter of the entire budget, driven largely by expanding consumption needs for a growing domestic population. Over the last decade, Egypt's gas use has almost doubled, nearly matching production, further limiting the country's exporting capacity and, thus, hard currency revenues , reserves of which have more than halved in two years. Around another $3 billion a year goes to food. In total, 10 percent of its GDP is spent on subsidies.
With state revenues declining, how had Egypt sustained levels of growth of around 7 percent in the two years preceding the 2008 global banking crisis--even winning praise from the World Bank, which described the government as a "top reformer"?
The answer is simple: Egypt had financed increasing expenditures through one core mechanism: borrowing. Over the last decade, government debt has averaged about 85.5 percent of GDP. In 2011, Egypt registered a balance of payments deficit of $18.3 billion . The situation has become unsustainable as the state is increasingly unable to service myriad debts, has desperately attempted to identify viable sources of new oil and gas imports, but cannot muster the capital to secure them.

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As energy accounts for over a third of the costs of grain production (pdf), high food prices are generally underpinned by high oil prices. Since 2005, world oil production has remained on an undulating plateau that has kept prices high, contributing to surging global food prices. According to the New England Complex Systems Institute, if food prices go over a threshold of 210 on the FAO Food Price Index, the probability of civil unrest is greatly magnified.

Global wheat prices doubled (pdf) from $157/metric tonnes ($173/ton) in June 2010 to $326/metric tonne ($359/ton) in February 201 (the same month Mubarak fell) while half the population was dependent on food rations. That year, the FAO Index averaged about 228, the highest since FAO started measuring international food prices in 1990. The second highest average occurred in 2008--the same year Egypt experienced violent clashes over government-subsidized bread in different cities, leading to 15 people being killed and 300 arrests.
Since then, the index has hovered consistently above 210, and in May 2013 before Tahrir Square was flooded by millions of Egyptians, it was at 213. Although currently at 205, the Worldwatch Institute warns that food prices willtrend higher and be more volatile in coming years and decades. This is consistent with the last decade, over which the World Bank global food price index has increased 104.5 percent, at an average annual rate of 6.5 percent.
fao
Perhaps the biggest driver of rocketing food prices in 2011, however, was the unprecedented impact of climate change in the world's major food basket regions, pushing up global cereal prices to record levels.
Droughts and heat-waves in the U.S., Russia, and China since 2010 led to a sharp drop in wheat yields, on which Egypt is heavily dependent.
That same year, Egypt's water shortages sparked tens of thousands of people to take to the streets in different parts of the country, primarily farmers protesting the growing inability to irrigate their farms--making tens of thousands of hectares of farmland impossible to cultivate. Egyptians in the 1960s enjoyed a water share per capita of 2,800 cubic meters (98,881 cubic feet) for all purposes. The current share has dropped to 660 cubic meters (23,307 cubic feet)--well below the international standard defining water poverty at 1,000 cubic meters (35,314 cubic feet).

-----

But another major worry is oil production. New evidence suggests that the Gulf powers face the prospect of imminent production peaks. Leaked State Department cables show that the US government privately believes that Saudi Arabia's oil reserves may have been overstated by as much as 300 billion barrels--nearly 40 percent. By around 2020, Saudi Arabia will be unable to increase production , confronting instead a future of decline--indeed, its oil exports have already begun falling as it increasingly uses up production for domestic needs.
That in turn would mean a catastrophic loss of state revenues, not just for Saudi Arabia, but for the other Gulf powers which have much smaller reserves. The post-peak Gulf would not only usher in a world of extreme energy volatility--oil prices remain closely tied to production from the region--it would render these kingdoms highly vulnerable to the converging crises already at play in countries like Egypt, Syria and Yemen.
The implication is stark. If business-as-usual continues, Egypt today is very much a window into a near-future that would make dystopian science fiction look like high fantasy.

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